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| The Leaky Tyre effect |
I am particularly concerned that we are overly influenced by fashionable but outdated and fundamentally unsound neo-marxist thought, agendas and activism that promise liberation but have consistently failed to cultivate either a soundly balanced understanding of our difficult, painful, harm-riddled history, or the cultural, technology and strategic capability-building and sound development partnerships that would buttress our ability to surf Kondratiev, long-wave transformational, compound growth, J-curve breakout trends.
Similarly, I am concerned that Christian leaders and influencers across our region are too often either caught up in the same fashionable but failed neo-marxism (often, dressed up in ethical or theological garb but lacking material aspects that would lead to a sounder, Acts 27 influenced balance).
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| China's GDP per Capita, since 1960 |
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The OECD, 2022: Russia's Application is suspended, China, India, Indonesia and South Africa are partners (Applicants -- mostly, Latin America & Europe -- are in lighter blue) |
This, would require widespread "surf the K-wave" breakthroughs and compounding, self-sustaining growth; causing, a J-curve advance.
We can -- and should -- put a few numbers on this; pardon, if you are disinclined to a bit of financial-economic arithmetic. So,
- taking a long term trend on GDP growth of 1.5% and
- using a long-horizon public capital discount rate of 3%,
- starting at current world product [GNI] estimate 100.91 trillion,
- that would have 50-year annuity present value US$26.9 trillion, and
- at the "typical/traditional" 7% rate, US$13.1 trillion.
(Not insignificant but feasible -- as this is far cheaper than war and chaos, and also as not posing an impossible, partnership-breaking, credibility undermining trillion-dollar "bill" for a single small island state. Likewise, as the above uses the World Product, it is assuming a matching level of commitment to development funds by all countries: a "skin in the game" strategy. [Later, below, we will need to briefly address "justice" claims and suggestions that this is just "a negotiation opening gambit" -- with what BATNA (= walk-away option), pray, tell?] )
Currently, the 0.7% "international consensus" policy commitment is stated in the globally agreed UN Sustainable Development Goals, Target 17.2:
17.2 Developed countries [= OECD] to implement fully their official development assistance commitments, including the commitment by many developed countries to achieve the target of 0.7 per cent of gross national income for official development assistance (ODA/GNI) to developing countries and 0.15 to 0.20 per cent of ODA/GNI to least developed countries [--> so, ~ 0.50 - 0.55% of GNI would be for the less impoverished but struggling or fragile economies of the S]; ODA providers are encouraged to consider setting a target to provide at least 0.20 per cent of ODA/GNI to least developed countries
Plainly, we cannot afford yet another bout of being caught on the wrong side of Schumpeter's creative destruction. Accordingly, I now invite us to consider another TKI-ChatGPT 5.2 collaboration exercise:
Moving Beyond Rage:
A Civic Creed/Mini-Manifesto for Escaping Stagnation
Every society eventually reaches a moment when shouting stops working.
The Caribbean is there now.
We face stagnation, rising insecurity, fragile institutions, and a global economy reshaped by artificial intelligence, energy transition, and geopolitical rivalry. Yet our public debates are increasingly driven by anger, accusation, and ideological reflex (influenced by outdated and failed neo-marxist, critical theory activism). Too often, our painful history has been weaponised, not understood; assertions of "justice" have in fact targetted descendants of our fellow oppressed (who, largely through Christian, Biblical ethics such as Epistle to Philemon) took up abolition as the world's first civil rights movement; as a result, too often our politics and policy making have become a contest of denunciation rather than a discipline of prudent, warranted, sober judgment.
This is not sustainable. Economically, morally, socially or politically.
What is needed is not amnesia about past wrongs, nor indulgence of present injustices—but a recovery of civic wisdom: the kind that allows plural societies to govern themselves without tearing themselves apart, and to build partnerships for innovation, J-curve breakout and prosperity without abandoning conscience.
Strikingly, the resources for such wisdom are not new. They are ancient—and urgently relevant.
A forgotten truth: what is unjust never truly works
In his final years, even as the Roman Republic collapsed into factional violence, Cicero wrote On Duties. He was not writing for philosophers. He was writing for citizens, officials, soldiers—for anyone whose actions shaped public life.
His core claim was simple and severe: What is right and what is useful never truly conflict.
Cicero is saying something profoundly modern:
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Corruption undermines trust.
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Lies distort information.
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Tyranny destroys initiative.
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Slander fractures cooperation.
In contemporary language: Unjust systems suffer from information failure, incentive failure, and legitimacy failure.
Yes, short-term advantage gained by injustice—through corruption, slander, anger, coercion, manipulation, "gaslighting," or deceit—always corrodes the foundations of long-term success. A state may appear to “get away with it” for a season. But trust -- key "social capital" -- erodes. Information fails. Initiative dies. Political risk rises. Capacity leaks away. Yes, the "brain drain" is a symptom, not a root cause.
Two thousand years later, modern economics tells the same story in different language. Societies that normalise dishonesty, politicised abuse of justice, ugly rhetoric and moral intimidation suffer capital flight, brain drain, institutional decay, loss of the soft societal capital of mutual respect and trustworthiness, and eventually stagnation. No amount of redistribution can compensate for the collapse of trust that creates hard-to-fix leaky tyre, malthusian trap economies.
This is why the current rising tendency to excuse assassination ("he was asking for it . . ."), to justify mass killing of the despised “other,” or to treat slander as activism is not merely immoral—it is economically suicidal.
Conscience, law, and public reason
The biblical tradition reinforces this point in a way that is often misunderstood (or even set-up as a strawman target and knocked over). For example, in Romans 2:13 - 15, the Apostle Paul observes that even those without a formal law code explicitly tracing to the Mosaic tradition . . . often act rightly, guided by conscience.
(Where, as a matter of often overlooked fact, our own Common Law begins with Alfred of the West Saxons in his c. 790 AD Book of Dooms, citing Exodus 20: "When God was speaking to Moses, this is what he said . . .")
Given common angry reactions, let us note further: Paul's claim is not imposition of "Christofascist" theological control, but descriptive moral anthropology. Namely:
Human beings are rational, responsible, and morally governed, conscience-guided creatures.
Conscience is not propaganda nor mere dubious, oppressive social conditioning. It is a built-in witness to an intelligible, objectively identifiable moral order that makes civic life possible. Without it, law becomes mere force. With it, disagreement remains governable.
In Ciceronian terms, we have branch on which we all sit first duties (so, objective, intelligible and indeed self-evident: one who tries to deny these, inescapably actually must appeal to them to try to make his argument stick . . . ) Yes, the canons of a creation-order, conscience-guided, built-in, first law. These first duties are in fact, the roots of "the natural law." So, we have conscience-attested, known duties --
1st: to truth
2nd: to right reason
3rd: to prudence (including, warrant)
4th: to sound conscience,
5th: to neighbour, so too
6th: to fairness and
7th: to justice
. . .
xth: etc.
That is why the ancient law of Israel, in Leviticus 19:15 - 18, insisted—not sentimentally, but sternly—that justice be impartial, that slander be rejected, that vengeance be restrained, and that neighbours reason frankly with one another. These were not pious ideals. They were anti-civil-war rules. So, let's read the actual original context for the famous Golden Rule:
Lev. 19: 15 “You shall do no injustice in court. You shall not be partial to the poor or defer to the great, but in righteousness shall you judge your neighbor. 16 You shall not go around as a slanderer among your people, and you shall not stand up against the life of your neighbor: I am the LORD.
17 “You shall not hate your brother in your heart, but you shall reason frankly with your neighbor, lest you incur sin because of him. 18 You shall not take vengeance or bear a grudge against the sons of your own people, but you shall love your neighbor as yourself: I am the LORD.
Similarly, respect for property is a key plank for the economy, and sound sexual morality stabilises the foundation of society, the family rooted in the husband-wife bond. Ignore such rules, and societies radicalise, polarise and lose cohesion, going into an ill-disciplined, self-destructive, shipwreck-bound, Acts 27 voyage-of-folly, delusional spiral of ruinous malthusian, beggar-my-neighbour chaos . . . and make the fatal cry for a strong man to save us -- so, let us again hear Ps 146:3 Put not your trust in princes, in a son of man, in whom there is no salvation. Observe them, even (inevitably) imperfectly, and the fabric of mutual respect, trustworthiness and neighbourliness generally survives.
A corrective political spectrum
One reason our debates are so distorted and angry is that we have inherited a shallow political map: “left versus right,” a framework shaped by the seating in the early revolutionary French National Assembly (1789), and made utterly outdated by collapse of the key old European monarchies after the First World War -- the historic anchor of "the right." These "key" collapsed monarchies are the Russian, Austrian & German Empires, with the Ottoman Caliphate following by 1924.
A more historically grounded spectrum is far older -- we can readily trace elements in the Exodus story or the Chronicles and in the debate between Aristotle and Plato alike, can see concerns in the history of Athens' failure through the Peloponnesian War. It is also more realistic:
Autocracy → Oligarchy → Democracy (properly buttressed) → Anarchic chaos
Seen from this long- arc- of- history viewpoint, stable, lawful, rights-protecting, sustainable democracy is not . . . repeat, NOT . . . the default state of humanity. It is in manifest, sobering fact a rare achievement, made possible only when citizens are sufficiently educated, morally formed, civic-minded, and institutionally protected to participate without destroying the state itself.
Similarly, given the trillion dollar bill recently put on the table as a solution to our troubles, we must pause to speak to our pain, raising some balancing concerns:
Focally, the Caribbean is not uniquely wounded; it is uniquely early. It experienced globalisation, colonisation, associated labour flows (including a particularly vicious case of slavery, for centuries), and resulting identity complexity centuries before the rest of the world. Our tragedy is not that we were oppressed and mixed — but that we are challenged to build institutions and a common vision strong enough to hold that mixture together, reconciling and healing our pain. Arguably, Hawaii did. New Zealand has made a gallant effort. Similarly, arguably, Singapore did (in the face of potential civil war and/or invasion). Others, are learning. We can too — if we stop mistaking grievance for strategy . . . or, for vision.
Elaborating, we need Moral clarity about our painful, as yet unfinished past of slavery, the triangular trade system (and the older linked, root trades across the Sahara, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean [not least, the 869AD on, Zanj rebellion . . . including, its sugar cane farming context]), the plantation, and colonisation (by Spain, Holland, France, The UK, even Denmark and Sweden . . . with a touch of Polish involvement as subject troops from Napoleon's empire sent to Haiti). Clarity, that
- arises from truthful, balanced, objectively warranted description of reality
- accepts complexity, tragedy, mixed motives, and unintended consequences (e.g. "Old World" diseases devastated "New World" populations long before the germ theory of disease was established or viruses were identified; similar in many ways to the waves of the Black Death, bubonic plague [which from 1346 on, wiped out ~ 1/3 of Europe's population] . . . and which, still lurks)
- binds truth, right reason, prudence, and conscience together
- aims at repair, restraint, and future-oriented justice and good order
- recognising, that it is not in the gift of mortal man to establish final justice
- is willing to say: this was wrong, this was mixed, this was constrained, this must not be repeated
Thus, we must correct simplistic moralism that instead
- weaponises our pain rather than healing it
- steamrollers multidimensional, painfully nuanced history into accusation and
- stigmatises the other with scarlet letter indelible, hereditary guilt-branding
- selects a single moral axis and absolutises it
- thrives on outrage rather than responsibility
- seeks moral leverage, not moral truth
- locks people into equally hereditable grievance identities that disable future-building
Or, more starkly:
Moral clarity seeks to bind wounds; ill-advised moralism seeks to reopen them for power.
That is why such simplistic, one-dimensional, flattened moralism:
- resists the prudent restraints and limits of sound developmental policy,
- distrusts and slanders or even attacks competence that dares to be independent-minded,
- may open the door to ideologically driven stigmatising and murderous targetting of scapegoated minorities (or even, outright lawless reigns of terror),
- undermines investment climates (forgetting that "investment is a flighty bird"),
- and ultimately reproduces the Malthusian trap it claims to oppose.
Pain becomes currency. Rage becomes negative social capital. But, with predictably damaging effect. For, when our pain is mobilised into steamroller, juggernaut, simplistic moral narratives:
- social cohesion fractures,
- policy horizons shrink,
- innovation and technological capacity dry up,
- external partners disengage quietly and walk away,
- Smart money leaks out to greener pastures, and
- the poor pay the price yet again.
This is not mere theory. It is the damaging pattern of our past generation, reflected in aborted J-curve takeoffs that became immiserating malthusian trends. For specific further example, when descendants of the powerless lower classes under oligarchic overlords in the years 1626 - 1834/38 (now the UK's tax base) who through Awakening rose up in the first modern civil rights movement, against slavery and its kidnapping based trade, find themselves targetted with impossible trillion dollar bills, for cause they will silently disengage from us and our claims; including, quietly walking away from "negotiations" that start with irreconcilable polarisation and stigmatisation like that. (Ever wondered why negotiations that play bad faith, hardball opening gambit cards like that typically drag on and on then peter out fruitlessly?) Likewise, with the grim C20 record of the holocaust -- and the horrific fate of those who failed to flee quickly -- on the table: when angry demagogues come to power, the proverbial brain drain and capital-capacity flight will predictably accelerate to catastrophic levels.
History shows that when cultural-moral buttresses weaken, democracies do not smoothly “correct themselves.” They slide—often rapidly—into oligarchy, strongman rule, or violent fragmentation. That is why Herodotus and Thucydides wrote their living memory histories of Athens, and it is why in the Acts, Luke makes sure to emphasise again and again, just how dangerous and open to lawless impulses the mob is. In more recent times, the Reichstag fire incident makes for grim reading.
The Caribbean’s challenge, then, is not to chant democratic slogans, but to rebuild the conditions that make lawful, prudent, sustainable democracy viable.
A civic creed for policy and public life
From these traditions—classical, biblical, and historical—we can distil a simple civic creed, not as dogma, but as operating principles suitable for children in schools, journalists editing the news, and even policy-makers:
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Truth before advantage Public life must be governed and disciplined by accurate description of reality. Persistent falsehood, unruliness, willful error or slander is the seed-plot of injustice, scape-goating, marches of folly, disaster.
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Right reason with adequate warrant Decisions must be justified by sound, balanced evidence and carefully worked through, disciplined logic [which is not a mere cultural/ racial/ class imposition], not rage, slogans, mob impulses or tribal loyalty.
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Prudence over impulse What feels righteous in the moment may be ruinous in the long run. For, what sweet nanny goat mouth run 'im belly.
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Conscience as guardian Not everything legal is legitimate or wise; not everything popular or self-indulgent is right or healthy (or, prudent -- a main facet of wisdom).
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Neighbour-regard Policy must be capable of coherence across the whole community, not tailored to humiliate, target or exclude the despised other. Where, too, God is our first neighbour, and our host. (Yes, never mind that this is "controversial" -- and even quietly "unmentionable" -- in a radically secularist age: if our "leading lights" hold God . . . the ultimate root of reality, of goodness, of truth and of wisdom . . . in contempt and seek to marginalise him, predictably, society heads for ruinous, lawless chaos.)
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Fairness and justice Partiality—to rich or poor, powerful or marginal—is equally corrosive.
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Forbearance without appeasement of evil Patience is not surrender; reform is not revenge.
This creed is not “conservative” or “progressive.” It is pro-civilisational.
A path to reform and takeoff
What does this mean in practice?
First, we must abandon the illusion that money alone delivers development. Capital without capacity leaks away. Curriculum is Industrial Policy by another means -- and, STE[A^2]M Educators . . . yes, our teachers of "Sci -Tech (embracing, too, Design)," of "Engineering," of "Arts [including, Multimedia Authoring]," of "Agriculture" & of "Mathematics" . . . ChatGPT 5 is looking straight at you. For, education and skill-building are now upstream to economic & societal transformation in an AI-driven world. Yes, upstream of national destiny. The real work of K-wave transformation and J-curve breakout from the ever-lurking malthusian trend is thus cumulative, wisdom-driven, educational, generational and patient.
Yes, too, we cannot readily see the slow but very real growth of the mustard seed into a tree as it occurs, day-by-day, but unless we take the courage of faith and plant the tiny seed and persistently nurture it every day, every year, decade-by-decade, the birds will lack shade, shelter, safety and branches to build their nests on. So, we must prioritise:
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Reliable energy to power industry and services. (And yes, in an AI-driven age where we will need to own our own AI utilities, that includes reconsidering the nuclear option, not just fashionable -- but often, highly fluctuating -- "renewables.")
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Digital productivity—including AI—as tools for small business, agriculture, logistics, research and education.
(Should we accede to Open Source technology covenants for AI, for technical and office productivity software, and generally? Should we embed such Open Source software, including the Linux Operating System and its derivatives such as Android, Raspberry Pi OS and Chrome in our education, research and Government software systems? What of the broader Maker Movement? Could the Raspberry Pi ecosystem be a key digital productivity and educational platform for our region? Should we refactor our approach to Mathematics, as the foundational core of the now central general purpose technology . . . computation; being, [i:] the disciplined study of [ii:] the logic of [iii:] structure and quantity?
The computer in action
(Where, computers, with suitable interfaces, sensors, instruments & actuators backed by AI, are now "intelligent," general purpose, "universal" machines capable of doing "anything" they can figure out. Thus, too, computing, is automated information transformation that applies the logic of structure and quantity [= Mathematics], through algorithms [= stepwise input > process > output methods], to drive productivity. So, too, Mathematics is now the "grammar" and "logical back-bone" of modern productivity, it is not just a "[boring] subject" in school.)
How will we move beyond "ICT/IT" to coding, multimedia and AI prompt writing competence for all, backed by deep understanding of computation, underlying Mathematics and digital technology? For, a K-wave is already rising at full flood . . . )
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Human capital grounded in competence, not credential inflation.
Capacity-building education & skill-building as a key component of the 0.7% GNI commitment, perhaps through a global Sir Arthur Lewis University, with a Richard Skemp College of Education and Capacity and Entrepreneurship that curates a global reference curriculum, K - 12 and Associate level, perhaps partly modelled on existing world class systems, say, Singapore for K-12 and the International Baccalaureate, CXC and similar systems for secondary and first level tertiary, delivering a globally portable Associate degree.
(I, here, strongly encourage the Raspberry Pi ecosystem for a computing for all component, and for the interfacing, automation and control modules. For languages, I suggest Scratch [block language, age 7+] > Python ["the new BASIC"] > Java [Gateway to the tech infrastructure backbone C family and to various computing paradigms], and perhaps Mathematica for calculation, given the "free" version made available by Wolfram. A key class project would be a computer-controlled, drip irrigation system for garden plants.)
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Entrepreneurship ecosystems that reward problem-solving, not proximity to power.
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Institutional integrity, trustworthiness and discipline that make long-term investment rational.
This is why countries like South Korea and Singapore escaped poverty while others with similar histories did not. Not because they were spotlessly, perfectly morally pure—but because they refused to let ideological theatrics and toxic rhetoric override disciplined policy.
Second, we must reject polarising fantasies—whether trillion-dollar reparations claims for a few hundred thousand people detached from institutional reality, or cynical calls to paper over our deep wounds and “forget the past.” Neither builds the future. Genuine partnership anchored in warranted truth, forbearance and reconciliation does.
Global frameworks already exist—such as the long-standing commitment by developed nations to devote a small but not insignificant share of national income to development. Properly focused over decades on capacity rather than consumption, such resources could be transformative. But, only if recipient societies cultivate the moral and institutional soil in which they can take root.
A curriculum unit we urgently need
Finally, this wisdom must be taught—not only to students, but to those who dominate public discourse.
A single secondary-school or early tertiary module could include:
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The Ship of State Plato’s parable, paired with the real-world case study of Acts 27, showing how prudence is often ignored before crises and painfully rediscovered during them (including, in that light, a discussion of the key buttresses of lawful, sustainable democratic self-government).
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Cicero on duty and public service Exploring why injustice undermines utility, and why corruption is never merely “pragmatic.”
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The moral foundations of law Conscience, renewal of sound natural law (including Ciceronian first duties), and the limits of power.
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Democracy’s prerequisites Why literacy, free speech (so, freedom of a responsible press), restraint, discipline and moral norms matter more than slogans.
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Case studies of takeoff and stagnation Korea (S and N), Singapore, the Caribbean (esp. Ja, BB, Haiti, Cuba, the DR)—without romanticism or fatalism.
This would not indoctrinate. It would inoculate—against rage, over-simplification, and despair.
Where, as there are ever ready dismissive talking points that try to set aside examples of J-curve breakout, let us pause to note:
South Korea and Singapore did not grow because they were authoritarian; they grew because they restored disciplined order, protected investment, and built trust—and the bulk of their sustained take-off came after the most authoritarian phase had passed. Authority was used, sometimes harshly, to suppress predation and establish credibility in post-war chaos; steady, generation-length compounding growth did the rest. This is why the standard retort—“Lee Kuan Yew was a dictator”—misses the point: North Korea was more authoritarian and collapsed, while Japan, Israel, Taiwan, India, and later China show that growth follows investor confidence, not repression. Indeed, Japan's earlier rise was largely oligarchic, but its post-war recovery and rise to the global top tier was democratic. Democracy is not a suicide pact, but neither is it a licence for polarisation, slander, indiscipline or policy incoherence, recklessness and imprudence. Where moral and civic buttresses restrain faction and reward competence, democratic societies can sustain the long discipline required for J-curve take-off. Where they do not, stagnation follows—regardless of ideology.
The choice before us
The Caribbean stands at a moment of decision. Artificial intelligence, energy transition, and global realignment offer unprecedented opportunity—but also amplify the cost of error.
We can continue down a path of polarisation, slander, indiscipline and moral exhibitionism, and watch stagnation harden into full-bore malthusian decline.
Or we can recover a disciplined, wisdom-driven public-spiritedness older than our ideologies, firmer than our resentments, and more demanding than our slogans.
History suggests that only the latter path leads out of the Malthusian trap.
The choice is ours—if we are still willing to reason together. END



















